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Four of them are based out of state and don't appear to have strong ties to Arpaio. But the fifth, developer Steve Ellman, is a longtime donor who'd already given the maximum amount permissible in the 2007-08 election cycle.

The record suggests he's also a friend of Arpaio's. He roasted Arpaio at the sheriff's 70th birthday party and, at one point, served as a captain in the sheriff's advisory posse.

One of Sheriff Joe Arpaio’s richest friends donated to the SCA fund.
AJ Alexander
One of Sheriff Joe Arpaio’s richest friends donated to the SCA fund.
Dennis Wilenchik, now representing the MCSO donors.
Dennis Wilenchik, now representing the MCSO donors.

Ellman also has ties to Hendershott. A newsletter shows the men sharing a table at a Glendale Chamber of Commerce luncheon in 2006. They also had a business relationship: Hendershott's wife opened a restaurant in Ellman's Westgate City Center, records show. The eatery has since closed.

It seems likely that Ellman recruited at least one of the businessmen who contributed to the account. James Wikert, an aviation expert and real estate mogul in Dallas, serves with Ellman on a non-profit board devoted to forging better relations with Cuba. Records show that Wikert also purchased a 1 percent stake in the Ellman-owned Phoenix Coyotes, a deal that cost him roughly $1 million.

Ellman's office referred all questions to his lawyer, Grant Woods, who is out of the country. Woods' office said it would have no comment other than a prepared statement that does not address the Wikert matter. Wikert also didn't return a call for comment.

A third businessman on the list, James Liautaud, could also have contributed to the deputies' secret fund in hopes of helping Arpaio. Liautaud, who owns the Jimmy John's chain of sandwich restaurants in Illinois, was an early backer of Mitt Romney's presidential bid. So was Arpaio. (Arpaio's PR guy, Jason Rose, who also represents Steve Ellman, ran Romney's Arizona campaign.)

Interestingly, records show that Liautaud's parents each contributed almost the maximum allowed to Arpaio's campaign in 2006.

And there's one more curious fact that strongly suggests all five wealthy businessmen knew full well where their donations were going:

The Arizona Republican Party's chairman, Pullen, was forced to return the $105,000 donation to Fox on October 17. As I first reported on New Times' Valley Fever blog, within the next two weeks, four of the businessmen — and the wife of a fifth — turned around and wrote checks to the Arizona Republican Party.

The five families had donated a total of $95,000 to the committee started by the sheriff's deputies. The money they donated to the GOP in the month of the dirty Saban ad would total $90,000 — almost the exact total they'd previously given.

So these rich guys donated tens of thousands of dollars to SCA, a fund that the chairman of the state party, by his own admission, contacted in hopes of raising money to help Arpaio and Thomas.

SCA gave the money to the party. The party paid for the ads.

And then, when the party was forced to return the money to SCA, the same rich men turned around and donated nearly the exact same amount to the party.

Yet we're supposed to believe that money was never earmarked for Arpaio?

Are they stupid? Or do they just think we are?


I sat through nearly six hours of testimony at a hearing in March on the subject of the SCA money. Unbelievably, Fox was representing himself at that point. (He'd continue to do so until last week.)

At that hearing, I heard Randy Pullen change his testimony from what he'd told the Arizona Capitol Times in October and insist that he hadn't earmarked the SCA funds for county races. I saw Fox using his best amateur lawyerspeak to explain that the money wasn't for a political purpose, even if he gave it to a political party.

But the thing that made the biggest impression on me that day wasn't what anyone said. It was Joel Fox's demeanor.

As I wrote in my notebook at the time, Fox's hands were visibly shaking.

The poor guy, I thought. He's scared to death.

Of course, I felt a lot less sympathetic after I realized that the wily sheriff's captain had lied to my face about Hendershott's involvement. But it's clear to me now that, on some level, Fox was freaked out about screwing this thing up.

He wasn't the bad guy, I think. He was the fall guy.

It was Hendershott who'd made the first contribution to the fund. It was almost certainly Hendershott, if not Arpaio himself, who'd talked to Steve Ellman. Indeed, in a prepared statement, Ellman's attorney, Grant Woods, backed up Fox's assertions that Fox and Ellman have never spoken. Nor did Ellman speak with the GOP about the donations, Woods said.

This wasn't Joel Fox going rogue. This came from the top.

After all, Fox is a guy who's used to taking orders. He worked for Arpaio's campaign in a past election cycle. And plenty of guys in the Sheriff's Office believed his work on that campaign got him to where he is today — earning the promotion that put him in charge of the SWAT team soon after Arpaio's re-election in 2004.

But what's truly the smoking gun, to me, is just how hard the sheriff's associates worked to get out the word about Dan Saban's embarrassing deposition even before the GOP-funded ads.

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