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Gordon paid Mullany lump sums as large as $20,000 for "administration" or "fundraising" from political-donation accounts — even when no discernible work was performed.

One example of his generosity to her includes an $8,000-a-month salary from a federal political-action committee formed to earn Phoenix influence by donating money to congressional candidates. Gordon paid Mullany's company $104,497 and contributed just $54,700 to candidates for Congress.

Gordon has given no answers to questions concerning Mullany, such as: Who paid for his and Mullany's tickets to Super Bowls in Glendale and Miami? And in whose private jet did the two fly from Miami to Phoenix?

The answer to the latter question is that the pair flew home on a plane owned by Mullany's former employer, Phoenix mega-developer Steve Ellman.

Gordon's refusal to answer questions and provide public records has sparked a lawsuit by Judicial Watch, a conservative Washington, D.C. think-tank, demanding that logs on the activities of his security detail be made public. In refusing to release the logs, the city claims Gordon's safety might somehow be imperiled if the more-than-a-year-old records are released.

Judicial Watch argues that the records should be released so the public can determine whether Gordon appropriately used his taxpayer-funded security personnel — including whether he used them to shuttle Mullany around the city.

A judge tossed out a motion by the city to dismiss the lawsuit and scheduled both parties to appear in court for a September 27 hearing.

Gordon also has refused to release his conflict-of-interest checklist — the one that he asked Mullany's name be placed on. New Times requested all city elected officials' lists, and every one except Gordon released the information. (That he wanted Mullany's name on the list was discovered in Gordon's internal e-mails concerning Veolia.)

A letter from New Times attorney Steve Suskin demanding Gordon's list was ignored by City Attorney Verburg.

Initially, Gordon's camp said the list wouldn't be released because it hadn't been updated. Then, his people claimed the list was protected by attorney-client privilege.

Critics suggest that he's trying to conceal Mullany's clients.

It wouldn't be the first time that he and/or his spokesman have tried to do that.

In March, Jason Rose, Gordon's paid representative before Leibowitz took over, tried to conceal that Mullany had worked for Steve Ellman.

Rose e-mailed one of Gordon's senior staffers, telling him that if anyone asks about Mullany and Ellman, he should: "Suggest the following . . . the mayor can't, couldn't, and wouldn't vote on something that she was involved in. Don't know who she represents or represented for event planning and community relations . . . if asked, unaware of any work Elissa has done for Ellman or anyone else in the city of Phoenix."

Rose knew Mullany was working for Ellman, who then enjoyed unfettered access to Gordon — the developer attended Mayor's Office staff meetings, had dinner with the mayor and foreign dignitaries, and accompanied Gordon on trips to foreign countries.

Despite Rose's posturing, internal e-mails between Gordon and Rose revealed that Mullany worked for Ellman for at least six months promoting investment opportunities for his development firm.

Then came her job with Veolia to, among other things, help the company win its Phoenix bus contract.

If what New Times has learned about Gordon's involvement with Veolia is accurate, Councilman DiCiccio says, "It makes the city look bad, and it opens up the city for a lawsuit from the other bidder."

DiCiccio added, "I think there are some legal issues here that the city attorney needs to look into."

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