Editor's note: The American news media continues to report the body count in Mexico’s “War on Drugs” at more than 50,000 dead.

But Molly Molloy, a researcher at New Mexico State University, tallies more than 100,000 Mexicans killed to wage a war financed and mandated by American authorities and led by Mexican president Felipe Calderón.

The carnage has been so remarkable — mass executions, beheadings, mutilations, men, women, children — that the outgoing Calderón has announced he may leave the country lest he become a statistic.

A victim of the War on Drugs, in Veracruz, Mexico
Miguel Angel Lopez Velasco
A victim of the War on Drugs, in Veracruz, Mexico
The streets of Veracruz, Mexico
Miguel Angel Lopez Velasco
The streets of Veracruz, Mexico
Veracruz crime scene
Miguel Angel Lopez Velasco
Veracruz crime scene
Miguel Angel Lopez Velasco, a.k.a Milo Vela (left); his wife, Agustina Solana; and son, Miguel Angel Lopez Solana. The photo was taken at an anniversary party for employees of the newspaper Notiver in Veracruz. Note that he is wearing a shirt with the newspaper logo on it.
Miguel Angel Lopez Velasco
Miguel Angel Lopez Velasco, a.k.a Milo Vela (left); his wife, Agustina Solana; and son, Miguel Angel Lopez Solana. The photo was taken at an anniversary party for employees of the newspaper Notiver in Veracruz. Note that he is wearing a shirt with the newspaper logo on it.
Family photo of Miguel Angel Lopez Solana, about 2 years old, sitting at the Telex machine in his father's office at Notiver.
Miguel Angel Lopez Velasco
Family photo of Miguel Angel Lopez Solana, about 2 years old, sitting at the Telex machine in his father's office at Notiver.
Veracruz photographer Gabriel Huge on the job. Huge was murdered, and his body parts were dumped along with three other Veracruz journalists on May 3.
Miguel Angel Lopez Velasco
Veracruz photographer Gabriel Huge on the job. Huge was murdered, and his body parts were dumped along with three other Veracruz journalists on May 3.

And yet on July 4, the New York Times declared the War on Drugs a cruel failure, claiming that the price of cocaine, for example, is 74 percent cheaper now than it was 30 years ago. America has spent $20 billion to $25 billion a year to stem the flow of narcotics, to no good end.

The evening news vibrates with the mayhem in Syria, where the recent uprising has cost 17,000 lives. During the 12 years of the Vietnam War, broadcasts tracked the 50,000 Americans who perished on the other side of the world. But the 100,000 Mexicans lost supplying America’s thirst for drugs are, for the most part, unremarked upon. Mexico elected a new president earlier this month. Enrique Peña Nieto promises to put an end to the killing, yet his only new proposal is to create another paramilitary force — like those implicated in much of the killing happening now.

Arizona author Charles Bowden and his New Mexico partner, Molloy, have written a highly personal tale of the devastation as illuminated by the trail of murdered Mexican journalists. Survivors have gathered at a barbecue in Texas, where the story unfolds. Michael Lacey, executive editor, Village Voice Media




Children play in the pool, hamburgers and hot dogs sizzle on the grill. The exiles will be here shortly after their year in flight from a house full of dead people. Everyone at the party has dead people murdered in Mexico by the Mexican government with the silent consent of the U.S. government. There are 100,000 slaughtered Mexicans now. These gatherings will grow larger.

Carlos Spector hosts this fiesta. He is an American immigration lawyer in El Paso, but in the past four years his practice has been taken over by seekers of political asylum, Mexicans with no money fleeing a Mexican government that wants to kill them. He also is a product of Mexico and spent a lot of his childhood on the other side of the Rio Grande. Now he cannot go there, because the Mexican army would like to kill him, too.

Like everyone here, he had planned a different life. His father came down from New York, fell in love with a Mexican girl, and raised a family across the river, in the village of Guadalupe. When Carlos left the U.S. Air Force, he studied sociology, but gave that up because "it was too slow. I didn't want to study the state, I wanted to smash it."

An old woman sits silently at the party. Sara Salazar, matriarch of the Reyes Salazar clan, is about 80 years old and from Guadalupe. Carlos Spector knew her people as a child. They killed some of her grown sons — one, two, three, just like that — and two daughters, also.

The woman in the blue blouse with the bangs and the ponytail worked as the police secretary in Guadalupe "before they killed everyone," she notes. The man in the green shirt — he was a city councilman before he fled for his life. The man with the sober face — he is the sole surviving son. He was a baker before the killing got bad. Then they burned the house down; the family library of 3,000 books perished in the flames. In his bakery, he always had someone reading out loud while everyone worked. The same day the house burned, the crosses vanished from the graves of murdered family members and were deposited against the Mexican army barracks in Guadalupe. In their little town of 3,000 people, 250 have been murdered.

Saul, the baker, the surviving brother, says, "Sometimes I start to cry. I lost half my family, my job. What more can I lose? Sometimes I worry even here in El Paso, but if I am murdered here, at least it will be investigated."

He has a book where he has carefully written down the names and dates of all the dead because he thinks someone should remember what has happened to his town and his nation and someday tell it, lest the lies become the history. Martha Gellhorn, the fearless novelist and reporter portrayed by Nicole Kidman in the recent HBO series Hemingway & Gellhorn, came out of her wars and wrote, "If nobody puts it down on the record anywhere, then the monsters win totally."

At last the exiles arrive: Miguel Angel López Solana, 32, his wife, Vanessa, younger. People came and killed Miguel's father and his mother and brother. For months, he and his wife bounced between their home in Veracruz, Mexico City, and the border. Finally, they fled to Corpus Christi, Texas, and waited for a chance to return to Mexico. Then in May of this year, four more people from their circle were slaughtered, and they knew that a return home was impossible. They called Carlos Spector.

About 40 percent of Spector's firm's time now goes to pro bono cases of Mexicans seeking political asylum in the United States. Some weeks he wonders if he can make payroll. He says, "There was a time I stopped doing these cases, and that's when I got fucked up. This is now a calling for me, not a profession."

In the United States, there are reports of a war between the Mexican government and the drug business. In the United States, drug laws fill prisons and recruit citizens to be convicts and rural Americans to be jailers. In Mexico, the whispers are of the Mexican government killing Mexicans. In Mexico, the secret history of the American War on Drugs is being written on the corpses of the Mexican people.

Carlos sits at the fiesta in his backyard surrounded by messengers from the dead.

Sara Salazar is silent, her hair gray, a face carved from stone.

Miguel Angel López Solana and his wife smile.

They also know things Americans find hard to believe.

They must tell their stories.

It is all they have left.


Miguel is determined to remember. When the killings come to his life, he sits down and writes: My father, Miguel Angel López Velasco, known as "Milo Vela," began working at Notiver about 30 years ago. My mother, Agustina Solana, was a homemaker. My younger brother, Misael López Solana, was a photojournalist and worked with my father. Milo's journalism was characterized by publicizing citizens' complaints, exposing corruption, and narcotrafficking. He expressed his opinions about all of these things. Milo Vela's journalism was critical.


In the old faded photograph, Miguel the son is 2 years old and sits at the keyboard of a telex wire machine in the newspaper office in Veracruz.

Milo Vela spent most of his career at Notiver, the daily paper of the port city of Veracruz. He covered crime, became a columnist, and edited the police section. He taught his sons not to believe in political parties, since they all lied and were corrupt. He taught his sons that news was a calling. Sometimes Miguel and his father would simply sit in a car outside of the Red Cross center waiting for an accident to be called in. They were newsmen.


Ever since I was a child, I remember that my father worked all day for the newspaper, Notiver. I only saw him sleeping while I was getting ready to go to school in the mornings, because by the time I got home from school, it would be the next morning before I would see him again in bed . . . I got to know his co-workers, among them, Yolanda Ordaz [de la Cruz], who covered the police beat. Nothing kept any of them from covering any kind of news. I remember once in the 1980s, Yolanda and my father were beaten up by federal police when they went to cover an intensive operation carried out in the area near the port — apparently something to do with securing a shipment of weapons.


In 2007, a severed head is delivered to a corner near the newspaper offices. Then a video appears on YouTube claiming that Milo Vela, his reporting partner, Yolanda Ordaz de la Cruz — called the "fat black woman" in the video — and the son Miguel Angel take money from the criminal group called Los Zetas and go to parties with them. Everyone but the father flees the city of Veracruz temporarily.

The family home is brick, two stories and modern, with lots of windows, two blocks from the police station. Miguel's brother Misael, 21, lives at home and works as a photographer at Notiver. Miguel lives 10 minutes away and also is a photographer for the paper. They are given to family dinners and celebrations. On June 19, 2011, Miguel and Vanessa attend a Father's Day dinner and eat salpicón made with crab and a seafood stew.

There had been signs of trouble before the dinner. Something was bothering his father, but Miguel knew better than to ask. A week before, at the funeral for an uncle, he mentioned to his father the attack against another reporter.

His father said, "Don't worry."

Miguel noticed that for the past month, his father had begun calling him early each morning and again in the evening to make sure he was okay. A few days before the dinner, his father had a loud argument with the nephew of the governor over his paper's stories, and the morning after Father's Day, he had a column coming out that questioned the reputation of two candidates for chief of traffic police in Veracruz.


During his first term at Notiver in the 1980s, Milo Vela was attacked on his way home to sleep. I don't remember the date, but I do recall that his car was shot full of bullet holes . . . I remember asking him once about what had happened, and he didn't tell me much. "Well, I was driving down the Morelos bridge and passing the factory when these dark guys pulled out like 'bats out of hell (hechos la madre)' and I realized they were chasing me, so I sped up, but I saw they were going to catch up with me so I pulled over and jumped out of the car and ran toward the beach . . ." This is all he told me, but then he turned around and said, "But, Miguel, this is all over now."

The call comes at 6 a.m. from a fellow photographer at the paper, Gabriel Huge, a man who survived a bad accident and rides a scooter to crime scenes and walks with a cane. He is also a man who does not back down: Miguel has photographs of a swarm of federal police in flak jackets surrounding him for taking pictures without their permission. In the images, his face looks fierce and empty of fear.

Gabriel says, "You need to come to the house. Something has happened."

When he arrives, the city police have taped off the residence.

Gabriel says, "They have killed your father, mother, and brother."

Miguel walks up the stairs to the second floor. His mother is outside the door of the bedroom, face down in a pool of blood. His father is propped in a sitting position on the bed, his face destroyed by bullets. Down the hall, his brother Misael, known as el gordo in the family because of his weight, is face down in blood. He is wearing yellow shorts his mother had made for him because it was hard to find clothes in his size. He has three rounds in the back of his neck and head. Miguel thinks of all the times he has come here early in the morning or late at night and tiptoed down the hall lest he wake anyone. He goes back into his parents' room, sits down in front of their bodies and says goodbye. He is weeping now.

The police ask, "Is there any electronic surveillance or closed-circuit TV at this house?"

He says, "No."

Miguel knows what the question means: If there is a security camera, they want to know so they can destroy the evidence.

He helps carry out the bodies. First, his mother wrapped in sheets. Then his father — he remembers thinking as he carries him of reproaching him for not having any security measures in the house. And, finally, his brother, el gordo, the fat one, is wrapped in an old red bedspread. It is very hard to get him down the stairs. Miguel breaks down sobbing. He asks himself, "What happened here?" His family has just been annihilated by 35 gunshots fired at close range. While the state police are still at the house, they tell him they will send a special team of bodyguards.

No one asks him for a statement.


At the funeral home, Miguel makes arrangements. A reporter from La Jornada, a major left-of-center Mexico City daily that both he and his father had done work for, tells him he must get out of Veracruz if he wants to live. He remains at the funeral home all day, and just before dawn, makes a quick trip to his parents' house with Vanessa, then his fiancée, to get some clothes. The bodyguards ride with them. On the way back to the funeral home, a taxi follows them for 15 blocks. The guard draws his gun, tells Miguel to speed through a red light at a roundabout, and they manage to lose the tail. They get back to the funeral home, and it is under 24-hour guard by Mexican Navy troops wearing ski masks and Veracruz state police. At the funeral, he writes down later, "A neighbor told me that he had seen three trucks and two people who had gone into my parents' house. Another neighbor told me she had heard shots and that for about a week before, she had seen a group of people on motorcycles who seemed to be watching . . . She had heard them talking on their radios, saying, "We are already here guarding the spot."

None of these neighbors gives a statement to the police.

Officials are at the graveside, the caskets lowered into the sand that is Veracruz. Navy vehicles escort the cortege. State dignitaries promise an investigation, justice, and punishment. The ceremony is surrounded by soldiers. This does not make Miguel feel safe.

The day after the funeral, the security detail escorts him and Vanessa to the airport and they flee the city where his father is famous, where he has spent his entire life. Miguel ponders the military precision he saw at the crime scene and the neighbors' whispered accounts of the killings.

He remembers opening the door to his brother's room that morning and wanting to say, "Wake up! Wake up!"


Miguel goes to the Mexico City headquarters of La Jornada. The editors give him a desk job because they do not think it is safe for him to be out on the street. Simply leaving Veracruz cannot protect him.

Yolanda Ordaz de la Cruz, Milo Vela's reporting partner, is found at 4 a.m. July 26, 2011. For the past month, she had been investigating Milo Vela's murder and had gone missing two days earlier. The body is dumped outside another Veracruz newspaper, Imagen, the head cut off. A message left with the corpse advises, "Friends can also betray you." The attorney general of Veracruz announces that this "unusual assassination was due to the fact that the woman and single mother maintained links with criminal gangs." He asserts her murder has nothing to do with her work as a journalist.

Miguel and Vanessa are paralyzed. For three days, they cannot leave their Mexico City apartment. They have entered a new phase of exile. First, they lose their native state. Now, they feel their nation slipping away. In Veracruz, 15 crime reporters flee the city. Gabriel Huge gets a call informing him he will be killed. He flees, also.

Miguel had tasted threats before, as had his father. But things began to change in 2006, when the new president, Felipe Calderón, announced that he was hurling the Mexican army against drug organizations. Strange criminals suddenly appeared in Veracruz, guys who did not even know the streets, their reckless driving causing more car accidents. And killings. Miguel is covering a crime scene or accident, and someone shoves a gun in his mouth and lectures him on how he should do his job. Death threats mount.

One night in May 2010, a cop pulls Miguel over. Vanessa is riding along. The cop is hostile but allows Miguel to drive on. A few minutes later, the street is blocked by guys with AR-15s wearing federal police uniforms. They tell him, "Right now you are going to get really fucked up." ("Vas a ver, hijo de la chingada.") They take him, leaving the girl behind. They go behind a hotel, beating him all the way there.

At least four more vehicles arrive, and a man with one glass eye and the look of the boss gets out and tells him that what he was doing could get him killed. Miguel asks the man whether he is a Zeta and he nods. He asks Miguel if he wants to die and Miguel says no. The man says, well, you can go this time, but the next time, we will kill you. They dump him where he originally was snatched. He calls his father, who advises him not to report the incident.

Miguel explains, "In Mexico, you learn to live with fear. You see bodies decapitated; you see police covered in blood. The fear just gets bigger and bigger. You see the decay of everything."


By July 2011, when Yolanda Ordaz de la Cruz is butchered, she is the seventh Mexican reporter killed that year, the third in Veracruz.

On September 20, during the afternoon rush hour, two trucks block the viaduct by a high-end shopping mall in Boca del Rio, a suburb of Veracruz. Drivers watch men methodically dump 35 bodies, 12 of them women. The men then leave, and no one stops them and no police come. The bodies are marked with the letter Z to suggest they are members of Los Zetas, a criminal organization that began as a special military unit created by the Mexican government and trained by the United States to fight drug organizations. The unit was designed to be incorruptible. Almost immediately, the DEA began secret payments to the group. Eventually, its members left for the better employment benefits of the drug industry and became the Zetas. The dumped bodies in Boca del Rio are bound with plastic ties at the wrists and ankles, restraints only available to the police and army.

The official story, that the dead are Zetas, holds for a while and is widely reported in the U.S. press. Then it cracks. Reforma, a right-of-center pro-government paper, talks to the families of the dead and discovers that they are mainly petty criminals, drug addicts, and prostitutes, if they had any criminal records at all. These facts are hardly reported in the U.S. press and soon vanish from the press in Mexico for fear of repercussion.

Miguel gets reports in Mexico City. His friend and fellow photographer Guillermo Luna has a cousin who is walking to get a bag of ice in Boca del Rio on September 16, Mexican Independence Day, when he sees some adolescents celebrating in the street. Police sweep in and take the kids.

A woman goes to the police station seeking her teenage son. She is told he is not in custody. Later she learns his body is one of those dumped by the fashionable mall. A video circulates on the Internet from a group called the Zeta Killers. They wear masks and sit at a table and claim credit for the killing. Miguel learns that they are really former Veracruz policemen playacting.

Miguel and Vanessa spend the rest of the year in limbo. The United States usually denies political asylum to Mexican reporters, because to grant it would constitute an admission about the real nature of Mexico. They return to her grandparents in Veracruz and hide. Then they fly to Reynosa, on the Texas border, and begin the paperwork for a U.S. visa. They return to Veracruz, get their car, and fling themselves into a new land.

They go to Corpus Christi and end up in a cheap motel as their tiny hoard of cash dribbles away. They cannot legally work. They yearn for Mexico. At times Miguel can hear his mother's voice.


The years passed, and at the beginning of the 1990s my father left Notiver . . . above all because they were censoring some of his articles and his columns . . . Then my father ended up without a job and went to work as a taxi driver, saying that he knew the city perfectly from covering the news and it would be an easy job for him. 

In Corpus Christi, Miguel and Vanessa begin to learn English. Miguel remembers his father's admonition: "You have to do before you can be." So he begins traveling down this new path in the new year. January passes, and February and March, and then, on April 28, a tremor passes through their world.


Police find the body of Regina Martinez, 49, lying in the bathtub of her home in Xalapa, the capital of Veracruz state — strangled. She writes for Proceso, the most prestigious magazine in Mexico, a publication read by the educated and powerful and generally spared much government censorship so that the state can point to it and claim a free press. She covered corruption and drug trafficking, and in 2007 had written a well-known story on Mexican soldiers raping and killing an indigenous woman. She becomes the 40h reporter killed since Calderón took office in December 2006. The government of Veracruz suggests the killing was simply a robbery because two cell phones and her laptop are missing, precisely the items one would take if looking for her contacts.

"I didn't know her," Miguel says, "but I knew her reputation and her reporting on the abuses of officials. When my family was killed, I thought nothing can be worse than this. But when Regina was killed, I thought they can do anything."

May 3 is World Press Freedom Day. Police in Veracruz find plastic garbage bags in a canal. They hold the chopped-up bodies of four people, three of them press. Guillermo Luna, whose cousin witnessed the abductions in September 2011, worked as a photographer at Notiver, as did Gabriel Huge, the man who had called Miguel the morning of his family's murder to tell him of the slaughter. Esteban Rodriguez also had been a photojournalist. Irasema Becerra was Gabriel's girlfriend. The three men had fled Veracruz in 2011 but returned in 2012 because they could not find work. Rodriguez had gone to work as an auto mechanic. None of this mattered. On the day of the kidnappings, just an hour before he was reported missing, Gabriel had gone to a cousin's house to ask her to care for his daughter should he vanish.

Three weeks later, on May 31, Noel López Olguín surfaces from a secret grave in Veracruz. He'd disappeared on March 8, when men in SUVs took him away. He worked for La Verdad de Jáltipan, a rural paper in the state of Veracruz, and wrote a column exposing official corruption and often attacking drug people by name. After his kidnapping, some media in Veracruz denied he'd ever worked for them. The exhumed body is photographed, caked with dark-brown earth.

Miguel realizes he will never feel safe in Mexico again. For him, he explains, it is like a sheet of white paper that you crumple in your hand: No matter how hard you try to iron it, it will always show the wrinkles.

He says, "I no longer have trust in anybody or anything."

A few days later, it is Memorial Day, and Carlos Spector hosts that party at his home in El Paso, and Miguel and Vanessa drive across Texas to eat and drink with the other dead men and dead women walking.

"I am an orphan now," Miguel says.

He clicks through photographs on his computer: his family and mother beaming; his brother, el gordo, laughing and acting out; the huge carnival in Veracruz each year just before Lent; the beach; the laughter of life.

He dreams of a family dinner, and in this dream his father looks up and says, "Miguel, it is okay to leave us behind now."


Since January 1, 2007, more than 100,000 people have been murdered in Mexico, according to the government. The last official release, in January 2012, said that "drug-related" or "organized crime-related" homicides totaled 47,500 through September 2011. Media estimates since have ranged from 50,000 to 80,000.

No one knows or will ever know the real death toll. Officially, the government says that 90 percent of the dead are criminals. Officially, the government admits it has investigated fewer than 5 percent of the deaths. No one knows what percentage of the homicides can be attributed to fighting between rival organized crime gangs, fighting between law enforcement and/or military and drug gangs, or fighting among different law enforcement and/or military groups. Many murder victims are retail drug sellers and other petty street criminals killed on the job or for other reasons. Some of the dead are disposable people — drug addicts, prostitutes, transvestites, migrants, street kids, and others deemed human garbage who become victims of social cleansing, or limpieza social. A Mexican Senate document reveals the existence of government-sponsored death squads linked to some of the mass executions in recent years.

There is one solid fact: more than 100,000 new corpses. Calderón boasts that 90 percent of the dead are criminals — his government does not investigate the murders, and then it makes up reasons for the murders.

This is a characteristic of the slaughtered in Mexico: Officially, they deserved it. The bodies of dead reporters and photographers are still warm when the government begins insinuating they were actually mixed up in organized crime: "He (or she) was sucio (dirty)." Case closed.

Sandra Rodriguez, an award-winning reporter in Ciudad Juárez, the city with the highest murder rate in all of Mexico, studied more than 3,000 homicide case files from 2010 and 2011. Most files contain only the forensic description of the bodies, a catalog of the ballistic remains and a note about the weapons used. If a witness is interviewed at all, the only question is, "What did the victim do?" And there is always something that will be construed as a link to organized crime and so ends the investigation. Rodriguez's study also showed that in only 2 percent of the cases were weapons found near the victims' bodies. So the state claims the dead were cartel members, but if so, they were gangsters who refused to carry weapons.

The slaughter in Mexico has several other characteristics. People hang corpses off bridges, dump bodies on busy streets, move with death squads through major cities, and no one ever sees them or sees anything. The U.S. press seems baffled by these feats. Mexicans are not. They know that the only entities able to move so freely and kill so publicly are the army and the police or criminals cooperating with them. They know that many, if not most, of the killings are by the Mexican state against Mexicans. Miguel, for example, thinks that at most, 30 percent of the dead are killed by drug organizations in a fight for business.

The kidnapped are almost never reported because in many parts of Mexico, the police finance themselves through kidnapping. Those who are taken (levantados) almost never return and are not counted among the dead. The bodies that turn up in mass graves are seldom counted, either, because the government says it is too hard to assign the corpses to the proper year. In Sinaloa, the key drug state on the west coast of Mexico, the governor announced in May that he suddenly had discovered ghost villages in the Sierra Madre, apparently emptied of all human beings without anyone in government noticing.

All this death is the real violence spilling across the border, and it spills south, not north. The United States sends about $500 million annually to fund Mexico's security forces through legislation called the Merida Initiative. The Mexican army, officially tasked with killing drug people, has lost fewer than 200 soldiers in about six years, while tens of thousands of other Mexicans have perished. There may be no safer job in the world than being a Mexican soldier assigned to fight the drug industry. And there may be no more dangerous job in the world than to be a reporter or photographer assigned to cover this war.


Sara Salazar watches the children play in the pool at Carlos Spector's home as the evening shadows grow and the desert heat lingers. Spector sits with a glass of wine talking to family members about what they must do to make the world know of the killing fields of Mexico. The old woman is silent. There is a famous photograph of her at the funeral of her daughter and son. The coffins sit side by side, and Sara, with her gray hair, ancient face and black trench coat, reels backward, arms outstretched over her dead. A kinsman catches her. Her mouth is open, and in the photograph you can hear the scream roll out over the valley and across the Rio Grande into the United States. Mexican reporters asked her at the time if she felt guilty for getting her children involved in politics now that they had been murdered for their activism. The press knew better than to investigate who killed her children. There were 500 soldiers at the burial, guarding the remaining Reyes Salazar family members. None helped to dig the graves.

Protest is in the family blood. The father, a baker, got involved in politics after 300 students were murdered by the government in 1968 and many more disappeared in Mexico City on the eve of the Olympics. The family became Communists or joined other facets of the left in Mexico. In 2008, daughter Josefina Reyes, a longtime human-rights activist in the Juárez Valley, protested after her son was kidnapped. She told interviewer Julian Cardona: "Now you see all these big billboards, 'We [the army] have come to help you' — but it isn't true. They have come to pillage us, to ransack our homes. They take the food in the refrigerator, jewelry, anything . . . and they destroy property. It is not a secret who they are."

Josefina leads demonstrations, and eventually her son is released. But he is arrested again in 2009 and charged by federal officials in Mexico with being part of a drug organization based in the Juárez Valley. He is imprisoned in another state in Mexico and has not been tried. Another son, Julio Cesar, is taken a year later by unknown parties and killed. Josefina blames the army for her son's death. Rumors spread that he also was involved in drugs. Some members of the family leave Guadalupe and try to establish their bakery business in another town about 100 miles away. On January 3, 2010, Josefina walks into a restaurant in Guadalupe. Men approach, some in uniform, and shoot her multiple times. Army vehicles are parked outside. Six months later, her brother Ruben is killed. He had continued to speak out to the media, calling the military to account for the attacks on his family and others in Guadalupe.

On February 7, 2011, Sara Salazar is riding with a granddaughter and three other family members: her son Elias and his wife, Luisa, and her daughter, Magdalena. All have chronic illnesses and barely are able to walk. Just after they pass a military checkpoint, masked gunmen stop the car. They force Sara and the granddaughter to the ground at gunpoint and take the others away.

On February 15, the Reyeses stage a protest in Ciudad Juárez outside government offices. At the same time, their home in Guadalupe, less than 100 yards from an army barracks, is burned to the ground by armed men. Sara and two other daughters travel to Mexico City to protest, and they speak on national media, begging for the safe return of their missing family members. A couple of weeks later, the bodies of Elias, Luisa and Magdalena turn up by the roadside, covered in dirt and lime. The government announces that they have been killed because of their ties to the drug world.


Now, the survivors sit under trees in the yard by the pool in El Paso as children play. More than 10,500 people have been murdered across the border in Juárez since 2008. The city is one of the most dangerous places on Earth, with murder rates over the past five years ranging from 150 to 300 per hundred thousand. In the nearby small town of Guadalupe, the murder rate is closer to 2,000 per hundred thousand. New York City's murder rate is about six per hundred thousand.

The United States, the nation worried about terrorism, gives half a billion dollars a year to a Mexican army that murders and terrorizes Mexicans. The United States walls off Mexico on national-security grounds and then decries imaginary violence spilling north across the border. The United States constantly praises the Mexican government for its brave fight against drug organizations, even though in the 51/2 years since President Calderón launched the war that has resulted in the murders of at least 100,000 Mexicans, the delivery of drugs has not been disturbed and prices have not increased. The United States has helped to create a death machine, and now the eyewitnesses come north.

Americans must ask themselves this question about their War on Terror: What if the enemy is their treaty ally Mexico, and what if the problem is the state terrorism by that ally against the Mexican people?


A businessman crosses the bridge from Ciudad Juárez to El Paso. The state police came to his business. He could not meet their increased extortion demands, so they held him down in front of his friends and cut his feet off. Now he rolls across the bridge, his mother driving him to safety. He seeks asylum. He calls Carlos Spector's law firm. He enters a system worthy of Franz Kafka.

Of the 20,000 U.S. grants of political asylum in 2010, only 192 were for Mexicans. Most such applicants arrive at the line with no money or papers. Many are cast into the gulag of U.S. immigration prisons for months or even years. If released, they are unlikely to be allowed a work permit for months. If entered into the process for political asylum, they could wait years for a hearing. No Mexican is likely to apply unless death stares him or her in the face. Political asylum is not some tactic Mexicans use to game our system. But it is a test of our claims of being for freedom and justice and elemental human rights.

After the spate of killings in Guadalupe, fliers circulated saying, "Si no se van del pueblo, les pasarán lo mismo que los Reyes Salazar" ("If you don't leave town, you will get the same as the Reyes Salazars.") Most of the Reyes family still waits to have their pleas for asylum heard. The doors to their country have closed forever behind them. A surviving sister, Marisela Reyes, says: "Nuestro nombre en Mexico significa la muerte." ("Our name in Mexico means death.")


There is a rhythm to state terrorism in Mexico. First there are threats, such as the footsteps clearly heard by Miguel's father in the days preceding the slaughter of the family. Then there is the killing itself, the indifference of the police, the pious laments of government officials. Then more terror, such as his father's partner, Yolanda, being decapitated, such as Miguel's fellow photographers winding up dismembered in garbage bags. And finally, if one refuses to follow the rules, there is the destruction of a person's reputation. This last stroke is inevitable if the person speaks out about the nature of the Mexican government.

Miguel speaks out at a forum in Austin in late May 2012 about the controlled nature of the Mexican press and state-sponsored terror in Veracruz. He repeats the same things a week later at an El Paso press conference with Carlos Spector.

Two days later, Notiver, the paper to which his father devoted his life, announces that the son never really worked there but simply was kept around as a kind of pet because of his father. They say Miguel could solve the murder because he probably knows who killed his family. They imply that he is an informant for the DEA or the FBI — a dangerous allegation in Mexico. Proceso, the influential news magazine, repeats most of the charges without any questions. The charges are all lies or smears. But that hardly matters.

Miguel no longer is simply an exile. He no is longer a victim. He is dirty, likely a criminal, never a real part of the press and hardly eligible for political asylum if he was never even a reporter. Now he is the basic Mexican, a person vilified if he complains about the fist of the state in his face. And Miguel and Vanessa are among the lucky few who just might qualify for political asylum in the United States. For the millions living in terror of the Mexican government and of Mexican drug gangs, there is no such hope.

Sara Salazar spoke about her family at a press conference in El Paso on February 8, 2012, the anniversary of the kidnapping and murders of Elias, Luisa, and Magdalena Reyes:

"My family were always hard workers, honorable, always helping the poor. Our hard struggle began when the soldiers came into our houses looking for weapons, drugs, and other things they said we had but they never found. But they kept on persecuting us because we got in their way . . . My daughter Josefina denounced them . . . and they persecuted her to the death. We continued to protest, but what could we do, since it was the government that was after us? We got in their way . . . I had 10 children and only four of them are left. They have killed them all. And what can I do? I have gone to demand that they find who killed them, but the files are nothing but blank pages. They have done nothing. We have no protection in Mexico. No protection. This is all I can say to you. Now my heart is dry."

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88 comments
Richard1980
Richard1980

In 1989, 'The Kerry Committee' found that the United States Department of State had made payments to drug traffickers, concluding that members of the U.S. State Department themselves were involved in drug trafficking. Some of the payments were made even after the traffickers had been indicted by federal law enforcement agencies, or even while these traffickers were under active investigation by these same agencies. http://bleacherreport.com/users/1379467-buy-azithromycin-online-no-prescription http://bleacherreport.com/users/1349325-buy-cipro-online-500mg-mastercard http://bleacherreport.com/users/1349445-buy-amoxicillin-online-next-day-delivery

sfbsailor
sfbsailor

@RaniaKhalek @BarackObama &@mittromney say: We don't give a shit about Americans, why would we care about Mexicans!

bradfox
bradfox

@RaniaKhalek My conscience.

tomphrey1
tomphrey1

Why is this propaganda piece still here.  I read it a week ago.  Why shouldl I be concerned about Mexicans killing Mexicans?  Boo Hoo.

willisforster
willisforster

The best thing we can do for both counties is real border control. Stopping the flow of drugs is impossible unless you stop the free flow of people. The big money will not be there to fund the violence and corruption.

tomphrey1
tomphrey1

"Mexican pay in blood for America's war on drugs."  Boo hoo.  Mexicans kill Mexicans and somehow I am supposed to assume blame.  Take your scrungy theory and insert it in the nearest convenient orfifice. 

coper1658
coper1658

OOPS excuse this old man

it should have been lost THIER heads

and

For now the big illegal drug profits are for a few and for the most vicious few.

coper1658
coper1658

Dear brendapatrickrom, the romans have been hunting people down like dogs for centuries.

Some early smugglers that could have lost this heads as king Herod had a bounty out on smugglers were the three wise guys following a star. Make something illegal, coffee, music, sex and there are those who will find a way to satisfy the desires of insatiable humans.

Violence and more violence to solve insoluble problems.

Take a look at booze and cigarettes on the market, they turn a fair profit to any that choose to invest.

For now the big profits are for a few and for the most vicious few.

cal lash

retired Narc

brendapatrickkrom
brendapatrickkrom

Good Luck Cartels Attacking the USA,  Your In Tall Cotton ...

brendapatrickkrom
brendapatrickkrom

Theres A Plan Strategically Set in Motion is What ive heard ...The Cartels  are in the way and will be hunted down like Dogs Now ...

 

brendapatrickkrom
brendapatrickkrom

Hire A BodyGuard Its Legal   Have Them Take Care Of The Problem ... Arizonains need to stalk up on water and food .We Are Going to War ive heard with Mexico ....

maxess
maxess

Actually you forgot one small detail. The HSBC Bank  knowingly laundering several billion  dollars in Drug money with nobody going to jail and a fine of just 0.01 cent on the dollars laundered for an overall BAnk profit of about 20%. This finances the Drug cartels. The Bosses do their mea culpa once a year when this sort of stuff comes out, and the following year when profits are shown get their huge annual bonus. People at the very top of the BAnk know this is going on and condone it. They need to do jail time.

noneya
noneya

Line up ALL of the ignorant POS racists in front of a firing squad like in the old days and just wipe this country of hateful, useless morons that are taking up space and oxygen. Start with the worthless AZ bastards! And then you wonder why the majority of the world hates us and see us as bullies?

coper1658
coper1658

Of Interest related to the 80 year old drug war.

http://www.ciadrugs.com/  

and http://www.american-buddha.com/cia.death.htm

 

Actually its not to far fetched to believe It's the fault of the US that Mexicans are killing each other.

Americans consume huge amounts of drugs imported  from Mexico and then America gives the Mexican government huge amounts of money to keep Mexicans from selling drugs to Americans?

If Al Capone were alive to ask him about legalizing drugs, I am sure he would be opposed to legalization as are a number of financial institutions. After all  a 30 percent charge for laundering $$ is good business.

 

And there has never been a successful wall, not in China and not in East Germany. Even Reagan figured that out "tear down that wall

 

cal lash

Retired Narc

Zivia
Zivia

I can't believe how much ignorance and racism there is in so many of these comments. You really should be ashamed of your hateful selves. How are poor unarmed people supposed to do anything against a well-funded government that is slaughtering them by the thousands? You probably think it was the Jews' fault for not stopping the holocaust too. Really terrible. I hope you realize how lucky you are to have been born in the right country -- you know, one that doesn't break down your door, rob you, rape you, and kill you if you protest.

novastarz47
novastarz47

What kind of spin is this? Its  USA's fault that Mexico took the guns from the public to defend themselves? The solution is very simple! lock down the borders and give the people of Mexico back their guns and let them take care of the drug problem ...People are tired of Mexican and Israel rants

Let them take care of their own problems !

mateo
mateo

Mexico is like a cruise ship in the middle of the ocean that is out of fuel and is drifting at sea, the rats have committed muitney and are killing the pasengers at will as the party continues.

tugboatboy1961
tugboatboy1961

Legalize all drugs! If people want to get high,how is that my buisness?

tomphrey1
tomphrey1

The Mexicans are killing thousands of Mexicans and it is my fault.  Oh, yeah, the Japs bombed Peal Harbor and that was my fault too.  Don't forget the World Trade Center that I destroyed.  Gee, mommy, I am a bad boy.  Boo hoo!

lammers3
lammers3

I say you stop the war on drugs. Legalize ALL dope! Then declare war on Mexico! Take it over like the European land thieves did the American Indians! Take their underhanded president and put him Sheriff Arpaio's Jail!

crazykat
crazykat

The drug cartel is in the borders of the United States. Murders are being carried out by people being paid by the cartel. There is too much profit for them to stop. When you stop the profit being made by the demand for drugs, maybe then it can be slowed down but for now, the demand is great in these United States of ours and murder and mayhem will continue. They kill people for going against them, including police, families, reporters. They are not afraid of anything as they know they can intimidate anybody and people are afraid to go against them.

obamaisacorn
obamaisacorn

sheesh. Lets stop the war on drugs since it cost too much and isn't working...

 

right after we stop the war on poverty. 

stormchanter2002
stormchanter2002

The Mexican people refuse to do anything about the government and the Mexican government is financing the cartels.  what a load of BS,  the New times is nothing more than a mouth piece for radicals, criminals and anti order anarchists.  no wonder it is free.  well I guess some people need   to have something to use as toilet paper though.  in that respect I say.  good job.

coper1658
coper1658

Excellent comment by dkessler4

NoOneParticular
NoOneParticular

Every single person that uses illegal drugs of any kind, at any  time, any where in the world is guilty of murder! You DO have blood on your hands. MURDERERS!! All of you, MURDERERS!!

bgray59
bgray59

The Mexican politicians failed to stop the Cartels when they, the politicians, could have.  The Politicians were content to turn their backs on the people and the threat for the money they received.

 

Frankly, it is time to turn our ELINT capabilities on the cartels and loose the Predators on the Cartel (Narcoterroist) leadership with the same Ferocity that we pursue Terrorist across the rest of the world.  

no-one
no-one

I wanna say something and no one has to believe it but here it is. Why do you think the drug war has been a failure? something that has never been on the news... El chapo Guzman IS married to Felipe Calderon's daughter.... dont ask my name, dont ask why or how.. a few ppl know that but has NEVER been on the news.. now tell me who really owns Mexico.

coper1658
coper1658

Thank you for the article by Molly Molloy and Charles Bowden. Both excellent investigators, writers and two fine and caring people. Not unexpectedly the article brought out comments by some of the most uniformed and sadly bigoted individuals on the planet.

Cal Lash

Retired Narc

AttorneyForFreedom
AttorneyForFreedom

In order to think clearly about the drug war, people need to separate the evils resulting from drug abuse from the evils resulting from this foolish drug war.  The drug war itself has given birth to incalculable violence for the past several decades.  It seems proponents of the drug war simply ignore the root causes of the violence in question.  In a free society, competent adults must be allowed to ingest any substance they choose into their body; even if it is bad for them.  Such freedom would undoubtedly result in some people ruining their lives.  However, all of the violence associated with the manufacture, transportation, sales and use of drugs would immediately end.  Isn’t that by itself a sufficient reason to end the drug war; especially given that people who want to use drugs use them despite decades of failed efforts to convince them otherwise?   There is no downside to ending the failed war on drugs and almost incalculable upside for everyone except the drug dealers and drug enforcement officers. 

 

Marc J. Victor

www.VictorForSenate.com

el_extranjero
el_extranjero

 @tomphrey1

 No, you shouldn't assume blame for Mexicans killing Mexicans...unless you're rolling up a $100 bill to hit your next line.

piggy
piggy

 @coper1658 a coper would be somebody who is in the swimming pool construction business or a person who has many obstacles in life and "copes" with them. do you mean "copper," the slang word for a police officer?

MesaMan
MesaMan

 @lammers3 You forgot about the Aztecs: they took down weaker groups of Indians before 1492. 

MesaMan
MesaMan

 @crazykat In Mexico, yes. In the USA; an atrocity by a drug cartel against innocent Americans would be suicide--------------can someone say 'open season'? Way too many Americans have guns and WILL use them.

DMDM
DMDM

 @NoOneParticular keep pulling on your bootstraps and let us know when you finally pick yourself up off the ground.  It is just flat not possible that drug users will stop using.  Its too easy for them to use responsibly.  If they use responsibly they can NEVER be caught.  But the bigger question is:  If they use responsibly, why do we CARE?  We've already learned with alcohol, that people aren't going to stop drinking.  And no, drinkers during prohibition did not cause nor commit murders, the cartels did seeking the PROFITS.  It is the PROFITS that cause the violence, because their disputes cannot be settled in courts.  They have to settle them on the streets.

dkessler4
dkessler4

 @NoOneParticular Drugs did not kill these people.  The War on Drugs is directly responsible.  The ATF even armed the cartels with over 2000 high powered weapons during operation fast and furious.  You can thank the US government for this slaughter and for the slaughter in South America that also failed to make a dent in the price of cocaine or the availability in the US.   You can thank the bankers in the US who launder billions of dollars of drug money from the estimated 40 billion dollar drug trade with impunity.  We not only financed it but we provided the training and the "support" to these countries to make it happen.  Our solution to the drug problem has clearly become far more harmful to human life than are drugs themselves.  It is time to end this madness.  

DMDM
DMDM

 @bgray59 What you suggest is how the Soviet Union lost to the measly country of afghanistan.  You must IDENTIFY, before you can SHOOT.  It is flat impossible to even IDENTIFY a significant portion of drug suppliers, thus the results we see of our war on drugs:   More drugs available at a cheaper price with more users.  The definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over and expecting a different result.

DMDM
DMDM

 @no-one It is a failure because DETECTION of responsible adult usage is IMPOSSIBLE, and the VAST majority of users use RESPONSIBLY.  Its your republican stock broker, your Democrat college professor, and your Libertarian IT guy that use, not strung out losers on the streets.

none
none

 @coper1658 I say Amen to you!!!  Innocent people are losing their lives.. people seem to be celebrating ... what if that was someone from your family? Mom? Dad? Sister? Brother? Aunt? Uncle? Grandparent:? etc... I totally understand the war on drugs... and agree with the war against drugs... but to cheer because people , some that were more than likely innocent are dead? that is sick... And for your information: MEXICANS ARE PEOPLE TOO... God loves them as much as he love anyone else... What happened to compassion? My heart breaks... some of those people suffered horrible deaths... I feel  for the families who are suffering the loss of a loved one.. God Bless the innocent people who lost their lives and God Bless the families left behind... 

fairymagic13
fairymagic13

 @AttorneyForFreedom Right on Marc!  THank you for exposing the true beneficiaries of the Drug War - the Drug dealers and THE DRUG ENFORCEMENT COMMUNITY (not just the officers).  This Drug War has been one of the largest sources of government largesse in the history of our country.  Forget about Welfare Mothers, these so called "Drug Enforcers" from the Attorneys in the Justice Department down to the Patrol Cop on the Street are getting taxpayer monies for violating our constitution in ways far more insidious than any congress person could think of.  It started with Prohibition of Alcohol.  The law enforcement community found a new source of taxpayer cash and feed off it mightily.  When prohibition ended, the top law dogs on the Drug (Alcohol) front decided they hadn't paid for their kids education and their house on the hill yet so they ordered up, with the help of the pharmaceutical and other industries (cotton, oil, timber, etc.), new laws to outlaw previously legal substances which produce EUPHORIA (same high as people chase with Alcohol). 

Without these laws, the drug trade would collapse with the loss of the money people were previously paying for "scarce" product which would now become FREE (Opium, Pot and Coca plants are pretty much easy to cultivate and process by the interested individual - drug users are pretty much pathetic people who can't get enough joy out of life so they have to self-medicate to get what most normal people have all the time - a sense of well-being)

coper1658
coper1658

 @piggy thanks for the modern up date.

Modern swimming pools were not around when cops were coping a nap on duty. I am in my seventies.

but that was not the reason I choose coper

I did so out of random imaginary selection

and I thought copper was not very imaginative and had multiple meanings.

And why did U select piggy, maybe you are a junior copper.

bob_lablaw96
bob_lablaw96

 @dkessler4 The only thing we supplied was the brain dead among us that chose drugs instead of a productive life.  If it wasn't cocaine, it would have been Oxycontin, or another accessible drug. Don't blame ATF, and other agencies unless you blame our dumbass addicted young!  They are the reason that drugs are worth killing for. Without them, there would not be a need for automatic weapons

 

obamaisacorn
obamaisacorn

and do what? Pass them out?  I dont disagree we should shut down programs that dont work, but govt doesnt know how to. Never has: If it aint working its because it needs to be fed more tax money from producers. Fail.

bob_lablaw96
bob_lablaw96

 @DMDM When the Soviets lost in Afghanistan, things were a lot different than they are now.  There were no drones, Predators, or other technology to use against those rag heads.  The world of war has changed, and we could probably take out the majority of the cartel leadership, if world opinion allowed for it.

 

If the Mexicans do not care to clean up their own cesspool of a country, then why should we?  Put up the fence, and deport anyone that makes it across, as soon as we catch them.  I am tired of their illiterate, dumbasses!

bgray59
bgray59

 @DMDM  The reasons for the Soviet loss in Afghanistan are many and this forum does not have space for even a cursory analysis of that situation. 

 

I do not support the war on drugs.  In fact I have routinely suggested the "The Phoenix Solution: Getting Serious About Winning America's Drug War by Vincent T. Buglios" as the basis of solving the drug problem. 

 

The violence in Mexico and parts of the US perpetrated  by the Cartel's is a different matter.  Simply removing drugs from the equation will simply  cause the Cartels to move aggressively into other areas of endeavor.  They like any organization will diversify, as they all ready have, into other areas of endeavor.  By, as I originally suggested, eliminating the leadership of those organizations the second tier management will conduct a proxy fight to determine who is the boss.  

 

President Calderone's efforts have largely been aimed at low level operatives.  Until the senior management is eliminated those efforts will be unsuccessful.

 

It is not my suggestion that we engage in a massive deployment of troops and personnel into Mexico.  My proposal is to disrupt the Cartels Senior Management.  By focusing our ELINT capability on Senior management and tracking the money we can disrupt the Cartels to an extent that the Mexican government can deal with the low level issues.

MesaMan
MesaMan

 @DMDM All the more reason to seal off our border and use military force to stop anybody from crossing it into the USA except at monitored checkpoints. 

bob_lablaw96
bob_lablaw96

 @fairymagic13 You forgot to mention the biggest beneficiary of the drug wars...drug lawyers.  Like Marc, they argue mightily against the laws in effect, and wait for Mr Green (the cash deposit) to hit their palm before uttering another word in defense of their addicted clients.

 

Attorneys are the scum that keep this war alive.  With a bit of adult discretion, they could dismiss many of the cases that need a solution other than prison.  Marc is a phony sham, like most defense attorneys.

 

bob_lablaw96
bob_lablaw96

 @blindsmall There is nothing that could be used for a lawsuit, so sit back down.  My comment also denigrated prosecutors for taking every little thing to court.  You should feel better now.

 

I think that my 30+ years of law enforcement should allow me to have an opinion, even if it differs from yours. If you had a thousand dollars, you could not buy a clue!

blindsmall
blindsmall

 @AttorneyForFreedom  @bob_lablaw96 Marc, You were way to nice to this moron, but I understand you have to be...I on the other hand do not need to be.  If you look at the ass clowns profile you will see that he is nothing but a troll anyway, so it really does not matter. He has been abusive in every one of his posts...idiot has nothing better to do.

AttorneyForFreedom
AttorneyForFreedom

@bob_lablaw96

Bob, I have argued for an end to the drug war since before I was an attorney.  It is true that I benefit from the drug war.  However, I have used this fact as a good reason to illustrate that I am not biased on this issue.  Indeed, many criminal defense lawyers have argued with me over the years that the drug war should be continued for this very reason; their bottom line.  I have always rejected this argument in favor of a freedom position despite my bottom line.  On many occasions, I have also refused minor drug cases informing potential clients that they do not need an attorney.  This has been contrary to the advice of some other attorneys. 

 

Finally, I have also accepted major drug cases in cases where clients could not afford my fee.  Indeed, I recently and successfully tried such a drug case involving 83lbs of marijuana.  Although some of these comments may apply to other attorneys, they are not applicable to me.  My longstanding and sincere commitment to ending the drug war is well understood and beyond dispute to those who care to review the facts. 

blindsmall
blindsmall

 @bob_lablaw96 If you were not such an idiot you would know Marc has spoke out against the drug war for decades.  You obviously know nothing about him, but I do and I will be sure to forward this to him.  You have made some pretty defamatory comments here, as well as stupid. I hope he sues your dumb ass...

bob_lablaw96
bob_lablaw96

 @blindsmall Ah, c'mon now.  Where's the love? Do you only say nice words to the attorney?  Talk about a troll!

bob_lablaw96
bob_lablaw96

 @fairymagic13 Retroactive abortions, up to the age of 35 should be allowed in this country.  If you see your child becoming a real asshole, or an attorney, you could have him aborted at any time before that age.

 

At birth, we never know how our children will turn out.  If we give them love, support, guidance, and self respect, they should be fine. But, there are always those children that just went south on us.  Many of them become defense attorneys.  They want to be elected as our representatives in government.  Those children should have been aborted at conception, but somehow escaped. 

 

Do not let that stop the State from finding them, and aborting them prior to age 35

 

 

AttorneyForFreedom
AttorneyForFreedom

 @fairymagic13 You must have missed it, it was near the bottom, I also posted it here as well:

 

"Recognizing that abortion is a sensitive issue and that people can hold good-faith views on all sides, we believe that government should be kept out of the matter, leaving the question to each person for their conscientious consideration."

 

In other words the government should stay out of it entirely.

fairymagic13
fairymagic13

 @AttorneyForFreedom I don't see any position in the platform regarding a State's right to outlaw abortion. Do you feel a State has the right to outlaw abortions?

 

AttorneyForFreedom
AttorneyForFreedom

 @fairymagic13 As a Libertarian, I concur with the Libertarian platform on this issue: http://www.lp.org/platform

 

"Recognizing that abortion is a sensitive issue and that people can hold good-faith views on all sides, we believe that government should be kept out of the matter, leaving the question to each person for their conscientious consideration."

 
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