This was a far bigger game, and Arpaio truly was Goliath to Democrat Paul Penzone's David. Except, this time around, Goliath lifted one colossal foot and brought it smashing down on David's head.
Penzone's camp did well in fundraising for any normal county sheriff's race, more than $500,000 according to Penzone's pre-Election Day finance report.
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He was able to buy targeted ads on TV and radio. But what I mostly saw were Arpaio ads.
And that was deadly. Not only was Arpaio able to reframe his image and portray himself as a grandfatherly lawman who loves little kids, hugs former inmates, and keeps the county safe — contrary to his record — he was able to label Penzone as a wife-abuser in mailers, robo-calls, and in one particularly devastating TV ad.
To its credit, the local news media followed my lead and exposed the ad for the massive lie it was. I first wrote about Penzone's 2003 altercation with his ex-wife in July. After Arpaio's dirty commercial dropped in October, TV news outlets and the Arizona Republic rewarded Penzone with positive coverage, pointing out how misleading the Arpaio ad was.
Penzone's name recognition was relatively low, despite his stint as the face of the Phoenix Police Department's Silent Witness program, and the attack by Arpaio was the first introduction many ever had to the former Phoenix police sergeant.
Realistically, Penzone started with baggage. That baggage could have been negated, but as I pointed out in my October 4 cover story on the race ("Paul Penzone Can Beat Arpaio If He Turns Up the Heat"), people had to see and hear Penzone for him to win their support.
Although I believe the Penzone camp could have done a better job scoring earned media, they were hobbled by the presence in the race of Republican-turned-Independent goofball Mike Stauffer.
Just as Arpaio refused to debate or appear with Penzone, the Democrat turned down any media opportunities in the general election that would include Stauffer. Because Stauffer's name was on the ballot, many media outlets felt obliged to cover him.
The strategy may have held Stauffer to his meager 4.5 percent, which is where his numbers were as this column went to press.
That 4.5 percent did not cost Penzone the election, though if you add it to the Democrats' 44 percent, it brings Penzone within three points of Arpaio: 48 percent to the incumbent's 51 percent. And that gap may narrow more as the county completes its count of early and provisional ballots.
But if the votes for Stauffer would not have gotten Penzone over the hump (assuming that Penzone garnered them in Stauffer's absence), Stauffer — along with Penzone's primary challenger, fired Goodyear cop John Rowan — hurt Penzone's chances in another way.
According to Penzone communications director Stacy Pearson, some contributors stayed away from Penzone, first because he had a primary challenger and later because of Stauffer's futile bid.
Maricopa County Democratic Chair Ann Wallack helped recruit Penzone, and she and others attempted to dissuade Rowan, knowing that his entry into the Democratic field would hurt the larger goal of beating Arpaio.
As with those deeply disturbed individuals who championed Stauffer, a guy who did little campaigning and even less fundraising, there should be some special ward in the state mental hospital reserved for Rowan supporters. That is, unless their goal was helping Arpaio win.
"Arizona's national reputation is one that's pretty squirrelly," Pearson noted. "Despite our guarantee [to potential donors outside the state] that Paul was going to get out of the primary, no one can realistically guarantee anything in Arizona politics."
Republican operative Carlos Sierra started off as a Stauffer supporter but switched as soon as it became evident that Stauffer and his screwy Svengali, West Kenyon, were not intent on running a credible campaign.
So he teamed with Democratic state House member Ruben Gallego to run the independent expenditure committee Citizens for Responsible Law Enforcement. Sierra says they ended up raising about $300,000 to target Arpaio in the hope of helping Penzone, and the group was able to run TV ads.
But CRLE got a late start, and though the group scored more big contributions toward the end of the campaign, that's the worst time to buy advertising in a state where most people mail in early ballots rather than go to the polls.
Stauffer definitely harmed their fundraising efforts, Sierra told me.
"When we were trying to raise funds, that was a concern to people," he said. "It's like, 'Well, you guys already have an uphill battle, and it's even harder with a third-party candidate.'"
Sierra says he and Gallego could have "raised more money and convinced more people that it could have been done" if Stauffer had not been a factor.
Perhaps that's why, in the wake of Penzone's loss, restlessness and discontent plague all those who backed Penzone — because they know the job is left undone.
Citizens for a Better Arizona (as well as Adios Arpaio, the ACLU, and the local Progressive Democrats of America) have complained loudly, demonstrating in Central Phoenix over the number of provisional ballots handed out on Election Day.