There undoubtedly were problems that need to be addressed for future elections, but it's ridiculous to suggest that Arpaio's win was the result of some vast voter-suppression effort.
Redistricting and the consolidation of polling places, down to 700 from about 1,100, more likely are culprits, as far as people having to vote provisionally.
Jamie Peachey
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There's no indication that the provisional ballots would have swung the election Penzone's way, and Hispanics were not the only ones who had to vote provisionally. Anglos were affected as well.
The Hispanic vote in Maricopa County and in Arizona generally seemed energized by both Penzone and by the campaign of U.S. Senate candidate Rich Carmona.
Overall turnout was slightly down this year. And the Hispanic vote in this state is nowhere near where it needs to be to put a stake through the Tea Party's heart.
A report on Hispanic voting by the Pew Hispanic Center released in October shows that 19 percent of all eligible voters in Arizona are Hispanic — something that could constitute a mighty force.
An ASU Morrison Institute study released this year noted that "about 69 percent of eligible Arizona Latinos were registered in 2010, compared to about 83 percent of non-Hispanic Whites."
But the change is slow and driven by demographics. The Latino push to get out the vote may have helped make the Arpaio and Carmona races tighter, but it was not near enough to end the right-wing lock on power here in Cactus Country.
Meanwhile, largely because the Arizona Independent Redistricting Commission redrew this state's political map, creating more competitive congressional and legislative races, Democrats now have a 5-4 edge over Republicans in Arizona's U.S. House delegation — assuming Congressman Ron Barber pulls it out against GOPer Martha McSally in CD 2.
The redistricting commission helped end the Republican super-majority in the state Legislature. A lot of the crazies will be back next year, but some — like aggro wild man Frank Antenori and pistol-packin' real estate queen Lori Klein, both Republican state senators — will not.
The Dems now have four more senators, 13 to the Rs' 17, which at least gives them no excuse not to show up and fight.
On the downside for progressives, the Rs chose state Senator Andy Biggs as their next Senate president, and the Gilbert ideologue is just to the right of Count Dracula.
But Biggs, often referred to as "Russell Pearce with a brain" is faced with a caucus divided almost evenly between moderates and hard-liners. So I'm hopeful that split will ameliorate his tendency toward Draconian right-wing insanity.
In the state House, the divide is 36 Rs to 24 Ds, and Republican Andy Tobin, a moderate only in relative terms, crushed an attempt to install Pinal County Teabagger Steve Smith as speaker, which is a good thing.
Carmona's loss to Republican Congressman Jeff Flake remains a tough one. Carmona seemed to have momentum going into Election Day, though his poll numbers already had slipped by then.
Unlike in the Congressional and legislative races, redistricting was no good to progressives in statewide races. But I think it's worth remembering that earlier this year, most political observers would not have predicted that Carmona could come within four points of Goldwater Institute golden boy Flake.
"When this campaign started, some people thought I was delusional," Carmona told supporters in Tucson during his concession speech. "They said, 'That Carmona. He's a nice guy, and he has a good résumé, but it's Arizona.'
"What I think we showed everyone tonight is that Arizona is changing."
Also, Flake, though deeply conservative, is no J.D. Hayworth. I was pulling for Carmona, but as far as Arizona Rs go, Flake ain't so bad. Post-election, he's already talking about support — as he used to a few years ago — for comprehensive immigration reform.
And even a spiteful old coot can smell a shift in the political climate, albeit a small one.
Which is why Joe Arpaio's signaled his willingness to meet with Hispanic leaders — as long as they "don't yell" at him.
I've got a better idea, one that even Republicans are bandying about in the aftermath of November 6: Recall Joe.
A monumental task, I'll agree. Statutorily, there would have to be anywhere between 325,000 to 350,000 signatures from qualified electors to make a recall of the sheriff happen. And you'd need a massive cushion of a couple hundred thousand additional votes because a certain percentage inevitably would be deemed invalid.
I asked Arizona's best expert in these matters, CBA's Randy Parraz, whether it would be doable. He estimated that a recall effort would have to score "3,300 signatures a day" to make it a reality.
And there would have to be boatloads of cash for professional petition circulators. Still, Parraz isn't writing it off, particularly if Arpaio's final vote count drops below 50 percent, leaving him winning with a plurality.
"This would open the door for all sorts of things to be considered," he stated.
I can already hear the kvetchers. We just had an election, they'll cry. It's an abuse of the process. It can't be done. Arpaio's still too popular.
All things that were said, I'll remind you, when Parraz and CBA began their recall of Russell Pearce.
And you know how that turned out.